Author: Tourkhan Gandjei
Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 49, No. 1, In Honour of Ann K. S. Lambton (1986)
Published by: Cambridge University
The rise and development of Persian poetry in Transoxiana and Khurasan coincided with the growth in influence of the Turkish element in the Samanid state. Although Turks had already been living in these regions at the time of the Arab conquest, it was under the Samanids especially that they emerged into political and military prominence, having risen from the status of slaves to the highest ranks of power. In the fragmentary survivals of the Persian poetry of this period we not only find mention of Turks but even the occasional word of Turkish origin:
میغ چون ترکی آشفته که تیر اندازد
برق تیر است مر او را مگر و رخش کمان
'The cloud is like a crazed Turk, shooting arrows; the lightning his shafts, and the rainbow his bow.'1
باده دهنده بتی بدیع ز خوبان
بچه خاتون ترک و بچه خاقان
ترک هزاران بپای پیش صف اندر
هر یک چون ماه بر دو هفته درفشان
'He who proffers the wine is an idol, more lovely than [all the] beauties, the son of the Turkish xatun and the xaqan. [There are] thousands of Turks standing in the foremost ranks, each luminous like the full moon.'2
دلم تنگ دارد بدان چشم تنگ
خداوند دیبای فیروزه رنگ
کمان دو ابروش و آن غمزه ها
یکایک بدل بر چو تیر خدنگ
'He of the blue brocade squeezes my heart with those slanting eyes. Two bows are his eyebrows, and those piercing glances are each in my heart like a xadang arrow.'3
نرگس نگر چگونه همی عاشقی کند
بر چشمکان آن صنم خلخی نژاد
'Behold the narcissus, how [even it] is captivated by the eyes of Xallux-born beauty.'4
The poetic image of the Turk as 'archer' in Faralavi's verse is already found in a poem by Abu Nuwas,5 who in another place also uses the titles xaqan and xatun.6 The narrow eyes of the Turks, 'small but enticing',7 are mentioned in a verse by Ibn al-Rumi,8 who contrasts the smallness of their eyes with the greatness of their spirit. Thus, the Turkish elements in the earliest Persian poetry may in part be derived from the Arab poets of Abbasid times, to be intensified as a consequence of steadily increasing contacts with Turks. Hence the ethnic Xallux, and the use of the Turkish word xadang ( < qading).
Of the two Turkish dynasties which succeeded the Samanids, the Qarakhanids and the Ghaznavids, only the eastern branch of the first, which ruled over lands populated mostly by Turks, gave its patronage to the Turkish language and Turkish literature.
The first important Turkish work of the Islamic period, namely, the Qutadgu Bilig9 by Yusuf Khass Hajib, was in fact dedicated to a member of this dynasty, the governor of Kashghar, Hasan b. Sulayman.10 Under this dynasty the Uighur script was used in parallel with the Arabic. Indeed 'throughout all Turkish countries, from Kashghar up to Upper China, the decrees of Khaqans and Sultans, from the earliest times until today have been written in this script'.11
The western branch of the Qarakhanids on the other hand were patrons of Persian letters. Rashidi, Suzani and Am'aq were the panegyrists of this dynasty, not a few members of which were themselves also poets: Amir Ali Bori Tegin, Jalal al-Din, the Sultan of Samarqand,l2 and his son and heir Nusrat al-Din, all composed poetry; the two last named were also calligraphers. The translation of the Sindbad-nama by Zahir al-Din Muhammad b. Ali was dedicated to Nusrat al-Din.
Ulugh Yabghu, the governor of Marghinan and Kashan, was a poet of considerable ability.
The Ghaznavids ruled lands mainly inhabited by a non-Turkish population, the majority of whom spoke Persian.
From this it followed that the Ghaznavids, following the example of the Samanids, were naturally patrons of Persian poetry. The lustre of the court of Mahmud and Mas'ud was indeed unrivalled among their contemporaries and under subsequent rulers.
Nevertheless, Turkish was the language of the Turkish tribes on which Ghaznavid power was based, just as it had been the language of the rulers and the court in the early period.13 Although no Turkish work written at this time under the Ghaznavids has come down to us, it may be supposed that there existed an oral Turkish literature, consisting of minstrel songs not unknown to the Ghaznavid court milieu.
In fact from a verse of Manuchihri it can be deduced that such songs were composed in two Turkish dialects, i.e. Turki and Ghuzi. Manuchihri's verse reads as follows:
The first important Turkish work of the Islamic period, namely, the Qutadgu Bilig9 by Yusuf Khass Hajib, was in fact dedicated to a member of this dynasty, the governor of Kashghar, Hasan b. Sulayman.10 Under this dynasty the Uighur script was used in parallel with the Arabic. Indeed 'throughout all Turkish countries, from Kashghar up to Upper China, the decrees of Khaqans and Sultans, from the earliest times until today have been written in this script'.11
The western branch of the Qarakhanids on the other hand were patrons of Persian letters. Rashidi, Suzani and Am'aq were the panegyrists of this dynasty, not a few members of which were themselves also poets: Amir Ali Bori Tegin, Jalal al-Din, the Sultan of Samarqand,l2 and his son and heir Nusrat al-Din, all composed poetry; the two last named were also calligraphers. The translation of the Sindbad-nama by Zahir al-Din Muhammad b. Ali was dedicated to Nusrat al-Din.
Ulugh Yabghu, the governor of Marghinan and Kashan, was a poet of considerable ability.
The Ghaznavids ruled lands mainly inhabited by a non-Turkish population, the majority of whom spoke Persian.
From this it followed that the Ghaznavids, following the example of the Samanids, were naturally patrons of Persian poetry. The lustre of the court of Mahmud and Mas'ud was indeed unrivalled among their contemporaries and under subsequent rulers.
Nevertheless, Turkish was the language of the Turkish tribes on which Ghaznavid power was based, just as it had been the language of the rulers and the court in the early period.13 Although no Turkish work written at this time under the Ghaznavids has come down to us, it may be supposed that there existed an oral Turkish literature, consisting of minstrel songs not unknown to the Ghaznavid court milieu.
In fact from a verse of Manuchihri it can be deduced that such songs were composed in two Turkish dialects, i.e. Turki and Ghuzi. Manuchihri's verse reads as follows:
براه ترکی مانا که خوبتر گویی
تو شعر ترکی بر خوان مرا و شعر غزی
'In the Turkish manner you undoubtedly compose better. Sing me a Turkish song and an Oghuz song.14
The rule of the Qarakhanids and Ghaznavids did not expand over the whole of Persia. In fact the effective rule of the former did not reach far beyond the Oxus frontier, and the centre of Ghaznavid power was Eastern Persia.
With the establishment of the Saljuq empire,on the other hand, a Turkish hegemony extended over the whole Islamic East, and gave rise to new immigration and the settlement of Turkish ethnic groups from Central Asia.
The Oghuz tribes which formed the basis of Saljuq power, and to one of which the Saljuqs belonged, were culturally backward, and contrary to the opinion advanced by some scholars,15 did not possess a written language.
Thus, the Saljuqs did not, or rather could not, take any steps towards propagating the Turkish language in a written form, much less the patronage of Turkish letters. But, despite the absence of any conscious and deliberate attempt on the part of the Saljuqs to propagate the Turkish language, because of the existence of Turkish hegemony, a great interest in the Turks, their language and their early history was aroused all over the Islamic world.
This is to be seen in various works of the period. For example, Mahmud al-Kashghari, who wrote his monumental work, Diwan lughat al-Turk,16 in Baghdad, and dedicated it to the Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtadi, relates the following hadith on the authority of two traditionists of Bukhara and Nishapur:
With the establishment of the Saljuq empire,on the other hand, a Turkish hegemony extended over the whole Islamic East, and gave rise to new immigration and the settlement of Turkish ethnic groups from Central Asia.
The Oghuz tribes which formed the basis of Saljuq power, and to one of which the Saljuqs belonged, were culturally backward, and contrary to the opinion advanced by some scholars,15 did not possess a written language.
Thus, the Saljuqs did not, or rather could not, take any steps towards propagating the Turkish language in a written form, much less the patronage of Turkish letters. But, despite the absence of any conscious and deliberate attempt on the part of the Saljuqs to propagate the Turkish language, because of the existence of Turkish hegemony, a great interest in the Turks, their language and their early history was aroused all over the Islamic world.
This is to be seen in various works of the period. For example, Mahmud al-Kashghari, who wrote his monumental work, Diwan lughat al-Turk,16 in Baghdad, and dedicated it to the Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtadi, relates the following hadith on the authority of two traditionists of Bukhara and Nishapur:
تعلموا لسان الترک فان لهم ملکا طوالا
'Learn the language of the Turks, for they will have a long reign.'17
Mahmud adds that if this hadith is authentic, learning Turkish must be obligatory, and even if it is not, reason will nevertheless demand it.
Ali b. Zayd al-Bayhaqi18 mentions a work on the glories of the Turks by Ali b. Muhammad al-Hijazi dedicated to Sanjar which, however, has not come down to us. The author of the Nawruz-nama,19 also written about this time, states in the section dealing with horses that 'today there is no group better acquainted with horses than the Turks, for they are occupied day and night with horses and, furthermore, it is they who are the lords of the world .20
In the same section there is a Turkish saying ascribed to Afrasiyab, the Turanian hero of the Shah-nama,21 who was regarded as the ancestor of both the Qarakhanids (Al-i Afrasiyab) and the Saljuqs,22 and who in Turkish sources is identified with Tongha Alp Er.23
This tendency to praise the Turks and their language can be more clearly seen in Fakhr al-Din Mubarakshah.24
In a work presented to Qutb al-Din Aybeg, who, after the death of Mu'izz al-Din, the Ghurid, declared his independence in 1206, he gives an account of the Turks, their various branches and tribes, and their writings and poetry, in the course of which he remarks on their language as follows: 'After Arabic, no language is better and more dignified than Turkish, and at the present day the inclination toward Turkish is greater than in previous times, for the majority of amirs and commanders of the army are Turks.'25
In a work presented to Qutb al-Din Aybeg, who, after the death of Mu'izz al-Din, the Ghurid, declared his independence in 1206, he gives an account of the Turks, their various branches and tribes, and their writings and poetry, in the course of which he remarks on their language as follows: 'After Arabic, no language is better and more dignified than Turkish, and at the present day the inclination toward Turkish is greater than in previous times, for the majority of amirs and commanders of the army are Turks.'25
The first three Saljuq rulers did not, apparently, attach importance to the patronage of poets. In general, their successors, following the tradition of earlier dynasties, encouraged men of letters. Alp Arslan, who regarded the Turks as ' strangers in a country conquered by force،26 could not have been familiar with Persian letters.
On the other hand, Toghan shah b. Alp Arslan, the youthful governor of Khurasan, with his capital in Herat, was a true and sincere patron ' whose conversation and intercourse was entirely with poets, and whose favourite companions were almost all of this class.'27 Jalal al-Din Sulayman, the son of Sultan Muhammad and the nephew of Sanjar, was a poet, as also was Tughril b. Arslan, of the Saljuqs of Iraq.28
On the other hand, Toghan shah b. Alp Arslan, the youthful governor of Khurasan, with his capital in Herat, was a true and sincere patron ' whose conversation and intercourse was entirely with poets, and whose favourite companions were almost all of this class.'27 Jalal al-Din Sulayman, the son of Sultan Muhammad and the nephew of Sanjar, was a poet, as also was Tughril b. Arslan, of the Saljuqs of Iraq.28
Under the rule of the Khwarazmshahs, who first were hereditary governors in the service of the Saljuqs and then became the independent rulers of a vast empire, Persian literature and the tradition of court patronage continued to flourish.
Atsiz(reg.1127-56) is mentioned by Awfi as being 'fond of poetry';29 and it is noteworthy that the head of his chancellory, Rashid al-Din Watwat, was a famous poet and man of letters.
Atsiz(reg.1127-56) is mentioned by Awfi as being 'fond of poetry';29 and it is noteworthy that the head of his chancellory, Rashid al-Din Watwat, was a famous poet and man of letters.
The importance of the Qipchaq and Qanqli tribes as component parts of the military divisions under the Khwarazmshahs in the second half of the
twelfth century, and the intermarriage of the ruling family with the Turkish tribal aristocracy, led to a manifestation of Turkish traditions in various
aspects of private and public life to a degree unprecedented under the earlier Turkish dynasties.
In the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries Turkish ethnic elements on a large scale passed into Khwarazm and transformed it into a Turkish area, and a Turkish popular religious literature, under the influence of Ahmad Yasavi (d. 1166) and his followers, spread widely all over Central Asia including Khwarazm.
Finally, toward the end of the period of the Khwarazmshahs, Muhammad b. Qays wrote a book, entitled al-Tibyan al-lughat al-turki ala lisan al-qanqli, for the Sultan Jalal al-Din (d. 1231).30
This seems to be the first sign of a belated recognition of Turkish as the language of the ruling dynasty.
In the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries Turkish ethnic elements on a large scale passed into Khwarazm and transformed it into a Turkish area, and a Turkish popular religious literature, under the influence of Ahmad Yasavi (d. 1166) and his followers, spread widely all over Central Asia including Khwarazm.
Finally, toward the end of the period of the Khwarazmshahs, Muhammad b. Qays wrote a book, entitled al-Tibyan al-lughat al-turki ala lisan al-qanqli, for the Sultan Jalal al-Din (d. 1231).30
This seems to be the first sign of a belated recognition of Turkish as the language of the ruling dynasty.
In Anatolia, as in Persia, Islamic learning and Persian literature flourished during the rule of the Saljuqs. Despite the fact that the settlement of Turkish tribes had started there even before the Saljuq conquest, Arabic and Persian were the official languages.
The Saljuq sultans of Anatolia were true patrons of men of letters, and some, such as Rukn al-Din Sulayman Qilich Arslan and his brother Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw, composed poems in Persian.
As a result of the Mongol invasion of the Islamic world at the beginning of the thirteenth century, many learned men from every part of the Islamic world took refuge in Anatolia, where they enjoyed the patronage of the highly cultivated sultans.
The country thus became an important centre of Islamic learning and Persian literature. Under the influence of such favourable conditions and despite the fact that there was no official support for them from the court, literary works in Turkish, Islamic in character and modelled as regards form on Arabic and Persian works, began to appear on a modest scale.
The Saljuq sultans of Anatolia were true patrons of men of letters, and some, such as Rukn al-Din Sulayman Qilich Arslan and his brother Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw, composed poems in Persian.
As a result of the Mongol invasion of the Islamic world at the beginning of the thirteenth century, many learned men from every part of the Islamic world took refuge in Anatolia, where they enjoyed the patronage of the highly cultivated sultans.
The country thus became an important centre of Islamic learning and Persian literature. Under the influence of such favourable conditions and despite the fact that there was no official support for them from the court, literary works in Turkish, Islamic in character and modelled as regards form on Arabic and Persian works, began to appear on a modest scale.
As a result of the spread of Turkish rule, Turkish personal and tribal names and titles, together with words concerning administration, warfare and nomadic life, began to make their appearance in Persian prose works from the Samanid period onwards, especially in works concerning the history of Turkish dynasties.
In addition to the isolated Turkish words which began to be used in prose works and were simply loanwords, Turkish words and phrases were used in the Persian poetry of the period with a deliberate poetic intention. These include personal names, which were used figuratively and with a hint at their literal meaning.
The beauty of the Turkish slaves and the prowess of Turks on the battle field, in short, the excellence of the Turks in banquet and battle (bazm u razm), gave rise in Persian poetry to a concept of the Turk which contained in itself two facets: the warrior and the beloved.
In addition to the isolated Turkish words which began to be used in prose works and were simply loanwords, Turkish words and phrases were used in the Persian poetry of the period with a deliberate poetic intention. These include personal names, which were used figuratively and with a hint at their literal meaning.
The beauty of the Turkish slaves and the prowess of Turks on the battle field, in short, the excellence of the Turks in banquet and battle (bazm u razm), gave rise in Persian poetry to a concept of the Turk which contained in itself two facets: the warrior and the beloved.
کمانکشی است بتم با دو گونه تیر بر او
وز آن دو گونه همی دل خلد بصلح و بجنگ
بوقت صلح دل من خلد به تیر مژه
بوقت جنگ دل دشمنان به تیر خدنگ
'My idol is an archer bearing arrows of two kinds, with which in two ways he pierces hearts, in peace and war. In time of peace my heart he pierces with the arrows of his eyelashes, in time of war the heart of the enemy with arrows of xadang.'31
As well as ethnic 'Turk', the names of various Turkish tribes, such as Chigil, Yaghma, Qay, also became part and parcel of the poetical language.
بیز درفش است در عبارت ترکی
سوزن هجوم ترا خلیده تر از بیز
'biz is 'awl' in Turkish; the needle of my satire against you is more penetrating than an awl (biz).'32
آز اندک باشد اندر لفظ ترکی و بعمر
ساقی برّ و عطای من نداد داد آز
'az is "little" in Turkish; and the cup-bearer of your generosity towards me can never give little (az).'33
سال عمر نوح با عمر تو بادا آندلغ
تا بود سوگند را در لفظ ترکی نام آند
'May the years that Noah lived be pledged (andlig) to your life, so long as and in Turkish is the word for saugand (" oath ").'34
قرا سنقر آنکه که نصرت پذیرد
بر آق سنقر آثار خذلان نماید
'When the black falcon (qara sonqur) is victorious, the white falcon (aq sonqur) shows signs of withdrawal.'35
از بهر خدای سوی این دیوان
یکی بنگر بچشم دلت ای سن
یکی بنگر بچشم دلت ای سن
'For God's sake look once at these demons with the eyes of your heart, 0 thou (san).'36
Khaqani coins the phrase san san ' thou thou' to convey two opposing ideas, depending on context and the tone of voice: (a) an expression of anger, and (b) a cry for help of a suppliant.
مرا در پارسی فحشی که گویند
بترکی چرخشان گوید که سن سن
'When they insult me in Persian, the celestial sphere answers them in Turkish saying: thou thou (san san).'37
ترک سن سن گوی توسن خوی سوسن بوی من
گر نگه کردی بسوی من نبردی سوی من
رسم ترکانست خون خوردن ز روی دوستی
خون من خورد و ندید از دوستی در روی من
ترک بلغاری است قاقم عارض و قندز مژه
من که باشم تا کمان او کشد بازوی من
'If my "thou thou "-saying, wild-tempered and lily-scented Turk had looked on me, he would not have taken my honour (su). It is the habit of Turks to drink blood in token of friendship; [however] he drank my blood, but did not look on me in friendship. He is a Bulghari Turk, ermine-faced, and of sable (qunduz) eyelashes; who am I that his bow should take my arm ? '38
Khaqani, who lived in the court of the Shirvanshahs, contrasts the word shah 'king' with the Turkish personal names Atsiz and Bughra, both of which he uses to symbolize Turkish rule:
تن گر چه سو و اتمک از ایشان طلب کند
کی مهر شه به اتسز و بغرا بر افگند
'Although one asks them for bread (atmak) and water (su), how can one give the love due to a shah "king " to an atsiz "nameless " and a bugra "bull ".'39
But he still looks for the Toghanshah of generosity:
کو شه طغان جود که من بهر اتمکی
پیشش زبان بگفتن سن سن بر آورم
'Where is the Shah Toghan of generosity, so that I, in order to obtain some bread (atmak),may say in his presence: thou thou (san san).'40
از بی گنهان مکش بدل کینه
همچون ز کلنگ بی گنه طغرل
'Do not nourish rancour against the innocents, like the toghril (a bird of prey) against the innocent crane.'41
پیچیده یکی ارمک میرانه بسر بر
بر بسته یکی کزلک ترکی بکمر بر
'Wearing a princely ormak wound round his head, and a Turkish dagger (kazlik) in his belt.'42
ترک من خورده نبید دی برم مست رسید
وز سر خشم کشید آن مه بر من بچقو
'My Turk, having drunk wine, last night came to me drunk, and in anger that moon drew his knife (bichqu) on me.'43
چشم این دایم سفید از آب حسرت همچو قار
روی آن دایم سیاه از گرد محنت همچو قیر
'May the eyes of this one (your ill-wisher) be white like snow (qar) with the tears of grief, may the face of that one (your slanderer) be black like pitch with the dust of affliction.'44
The Saljuq emblem of sovereignty, the tugra, consisting in its primitive form of the design of a bow and arrow, becomes part of the poetic imagery:
کارهای چون کمان از فعل او گردد چو تیر
چون کند بر نامه شاهنشهی تیر و کمان
'The bow-like affairs become straight as an arrow by its (his pen's) action, when it puts the "arrow and bow" on the royal patent.'45
خطا گفتم کمان چون باشد این خطی که پنداری
خط دلبند ترکانست گرد روی زیبایی
'I have erred, how can this line be a bow ? One would think it is the lovely down of the Turks on a beautiful face.'46
tutmach, a kind of farinaceous Turkish dish, appears in Nizami:
آری آنرا که در شکم دهل است
برگ تتماج به ز برگ گل است
'Yes, to him who has a drum in the belly, the leaf of tutmach is better thanrose petals.'47
The same dish is the subject of a qasida of Shams al-Din Ahmad b.
Manuchihr Shast-kula (d.1228-9), in which the poet describes in a highly elaborate style how this dish should be prepared. The poem includes also three Turkish words: qazgan (cauldron), tuzluq (a kind of pickle) and yaxni (a meat stew with onions).48
Nizami towards the end of his Khusraw u Shirin,in the episode of the death of the heroine, sees a certain resemblance between her and his ' beautiful' and 'wise' wife who was a Qipchaq slave called afaq ( <ap-aq 'very white'):
سبکرو چون بت قبچاق من بود
گمان بردی که او آفاق من بود
'She was agile like my Qipchaq idol; you would think she was my Afaq.'
He laments the death of his wife in these verses:
چو ترکان گشته سوی کوچ محتاج
بترکی داده رخّم را بتاراج
اگر شد ترکم از خرگه نهانی
خدایا ترکزادم را تو دانی
'Like the Turks she needed migration (koch), and in the manner of the Turks she plundered my life. If my Turk has disappeared from the tent, O Lord, I entrust my Turk-zad (son born by a Turkish wife) to your mercy.' 49
Anvari in a poem in praise of his patron, whose title and name form a hemistich, Ulugh Jandar Beg Inanch Sonqur, says:
بگیتی فتنه کی بنشستی از پای
اگر نه تیغ تو گفتی که التر
'When would the trouble of the world have been quelled, if your sword had not said: "Sit down" (oltur).'50
The above examples, chosen at random from the Persian poetry of Saljuq times, already show a difference of approach between the poets. The use of these Turkish elements presented Khaqani, one of the great virtuosi of language, who adorned his poems with the technical terms of various branches of medieval learning, with a further possibility of stylistic elaboration.
Suzani's approach, on the other hand, was more straight forward. He was primarily a satirist. In addition to his use of isolated Turkish words, a practice he shares with other poets of this period, he seems to have used Turkish words, phrases and sentences in some of his poems quite deliberately, and in so doing he succeeds in conveying a sense of actuality, so essential to satirical poetry.
Suzani's approach, on the other hand, was more straight forward. He was primarily a satirist. In addition to his use of isolated Turkish words, a practice he shares with other poets of this period, he seems to have used Turkish words, phrases and sentences in some of his poems quite deliberately, and in so doing he succeeds in conveying a sense of actuality, so essential to satirical poetry.
In one of his poems we come across a Turkish hemistich such as:
تا بوصل نجیب منده رسم
ای قلاوز ایت یولم قنده
'In order to attain the union with Najib, the Pitcher, O guide, say whither
lies my way (ay qilavuz ayit yolum qanda).'51
The following verses are from the nasib of a poem which is particularly
The following verses are from the nasib of a poem which is particularly
well known, having been incorporatedin the Lubab al-albab:
مفگن بغمزه بر دل مجروح من نمک
وز من بقبله سر مکش ای قبله یمک
ای ترک ماه چهره چه باشد اگر شبی
آیی بحجره من و گویی قناق گرک
گلروی ترکی و من اگر ترک نیستم
دانم همینقدر که بترکیست گل چچک
از چشمم ار بران چچک تو چکد سرشک
ترکی مکن بکشتن من بر مکش بچک
'Do not throw salt upon my wounded heart with your amorous glances, and do not withdraw when I kiss you, O qibla of Yemek tribe. O Turk of moon-like face, what would happen if one night you came to my private chamber and said: " Do you want a guest (qonaq garak)? " You are a rose-faced Turk, and although I am not a Turk, this much I know, that a flower in Turkish is chichak. If from my eyes tears drop on your rose-like face, do not act like a Turk, and do not draw a knife (bichak) to kill me.'52
The practice of using Turkish elements for their poetic function, as the above examples show, found its most skilful master in Suzani.
In his poems are discernible the seeds of a type of poetry, which may be described as' hybrid' to distinguish it on the one hand from the mulamma, a formal bilingual poem in which the verses or hemistichs alternate, and on the other, from macaronic verse in its technical sense.
In his poems are discernible the seeds of a type of poetry, which may be described as' hybrid' to distinguish it on the one hand from the mulamma, a formal bilingual poem in which the verses or hemistichs alternate, and on the other, from macaronic verse in its technical sense.
Suzani's practice was followed and further developed along two main lines in the Persian poetry of the Mongol period.
In Anatolia, under Saljuqs who were now reduced to the position of Mongol vassals, it was developed and extended by Jalal al-Din and Sultan Valad, and in Persia, under the rule of the Ilkhans, with a different emphasis, by Pur-i Baha and his followers.
In Anatolia, under Saljuqs who were now reduced to the position of Mongol vassals, it was developed and extended by Jalal al-Din and Sultan Valad, and in Persia, under the rule of the Ilkhans, with a different emphasis, by Pur-i Baha and his followers.
Notes
1. Faralavi in Gilbert Lazard, Les premiers poetes persans, II (Texts persans), Tehran-Paris, 1964, 43.
2. Rudaki, Athar-i manzum, ed. Braginski, Moscow, 1964, 78.
3. Tahir b. Fazl in Muhammad 'Awfi, Lubab al-albab,ed. Sa'id Nafisi, Tehran, 1957, 29.
4. Kasa'i, ibid., 43.
5. Ewald Wagner, Abu Nuwas : eine Studie zur arabischen Literatur der fruhen Abbasidenzeit, Wiesbaden, 1965, 402.
6. ibid., 213.
7. Ibn Butlan quoted in Adam Mez, Die Renaissance des Islam, Heidelberg, 1922, 158.
8. R. Sheshen,' Eski Arablara gore Turkler ', Turkiyat Mecmuasi, xv, 1968, 35.
9. On this work see A. Bombaci, Storia della letteratura turca, Milan, 1956, 83-96.
9. On this work see A. Bombaci, Storia della letteratura turca, Milan, 1956, 83-96.
10. W. Barthold, 'The Bughra Khan mentioned in the Qutadqu Bilik ', BSOS, III, 1923-5, 151-8.
11. Mahmud al-Kashghari, Diwan lughat al-Turk, ed. Kilisli Rif'at, Istanbul, 1333, I, 10.
12. Dh. Safa, Tarikh-i adabiyyat dar Iran, II, Tehran, 1336s., 8-9.
13. Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, ed. Fayyaz-Ghani, Tehran, 1324s., 163, 166, 450; cf. C. E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, Edinburgh, 1963, 130.
14. Divan-i Manuchihri, ed. Dabir-Siyaqi, Tehran, 1338s., 138; cf. F. Koprulu, 'Gazneliler devrinde Turk shi'ri ', in Turk dili ve edebiyati hakkinda arashtirmalar, Istanbul, 1934, 25-32.
15. F. Koprulu, Turk edebiyati tarihi,Istanbul, 1926, 224.
15. F. Koprulu, Turk edebiyati tarihi,Istanbul, 1926, 224.
16. For this work see Bombaci, op. cit., 97-103; for Mahmud's connexion with the Qarakhanids see 0. Pritsak, ' Mahmud Kasgari kimdir ? ', Turkiyat Mecmuasi, x, 1951-3, 243-6.
17. DLT, I, 3.
18. Tatimma siwan al-hikma, ed. Muh. Shafi', Lahore, 1935, I, 134, II, 98; Tarikh-i Bayhaq, ed. A. Bahmanyar, Tehran, 1317s., 241 f., 263.
19. On this book and the question of its authorship see T. Gandjei, ' The Nawruz-nama and a Turkish proverb ', Der Islam, 42, 1966, 235-7.
20. Nawruz-nama, ed. M. Minovi, Tehran, 1933, 55.
21. In Pahlavi texts, in the Islamic sources and in the Shahnama Turan is anachronistically identified with the land of the Turks (cf. Dh. Safa, Hamasa-sura'i dar Iran, Tehran, 1324s., 568 ff.). In the Shahnama Turanian heroes speak Turkish (turki, turki-zaban) and sometimes even bear Turkish names, cf. T. Kowalski, ' Les Turks dans le Shah-name ', in Rocznik Oriental- istyczny, xv, 1939-49, 88-99.
22. Nizam al-mulk, Siyar al-muluk, ed. H. Darke, Tehran, 1340s., 15.
23. DLT, III, 110, 272; Qutadgu Bilig, ed. R. R. Arat, Istanbul, 1947, 43.
24. For this author and his work see E. Denison Ross, 'The genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din Mubarak Shah', in A volume of Oriental studies presented to E. G. Browne, Cambridge, 1922, 392-413; F. Koprulu, ' XIInci asirda bir Turk filologu ', in Arashtirmalar, 123-54.
25. Tarikh-i Fakhru' d-Din Mubarakshah, ed. E. Denison Ross, London, 1927, 43-4.
24. For this author and his work see E. Denison Ross, 'The genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din Mubarak Shah', in A volume of Oriental studies presented to E. G. Browne, Cambridge, 1922, 392-413; F. Koprulu, ' XIInci asirda bir Turk filologu ', in Arashtirmalar, 123-54.
25. Tarikh-i Fakhru' d-Din Mubarakshah, ed. E. Denison Ross, London, 1927, 43-4.
26. Nizam al-mulk, op. cit., 204.
27. Nizami 'Aruzi, Chahar Maqala, ed. Muh. Mu'in, Tehran, 1334s., 86. English translation by E. G. Browne, London, 1900, 71.
28. 'Awfi, op. cit., 40-3.
29. Ravandi, Rahatu'us-sudur,ed. Muh. Iqbal, London, 1921, 333.
30. On al-Tibyan and the question of its author's identification with Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Qays, the author of al-Mu'jam fi ma'ayir ash'ar al-'ajam, see F. Koprulu, ' Harezmshahlar devrinde bir Turk filologu', in Arashtirmalar, 155-61, and more recently, Y. Z. Chirvani, ' Muhammad Ibn-Keys et son glossaire turc ', Turcica, II, 1970, 81-100.
31. Divan-i Farrukhi, ed. Dabir-Siyaqi, Tehran, 1335s., 212.
32. Divin-i Suzani, ed. Shah Husayni, Tehran, 1338s., 56.
33. ibid. 219.
34. ibid., 153.
35. Divan-i Khaqani, ed. Sajjadi, Tehran, 1338s., 150.
36. Divan-i Nasir-i Khusraw, ed. Minovi, Tehran, 1353s., 328.
36. Divan-i Nasir-i Khusraw, ed. Minovi, Tehran, 1353s., 328.
37. Divan-i Khaqani, 320.
38. ibid., 650.
39. ibid., 140.
40. ibid., 242.
41. Divan-i Nasir-i Khusraw, ed. Minovi, Tehran, 1353s., 271.
42. Divan-i Suzani, 33.
42. Divan-i Suzani, 33.
43. ibid., 409.
44. Divan-i Anvari, ed. M. Razavi, Tehran, 1337s., 245.
45. Divan-Mu'izzi, ed. 'Abbas Iqbal, Tehran, 1318s., 638.
46. Qavami Razi, in Lubab, 415.
47. Nizami, Haft Paykar, ed. Vahid Dastgirdi, Tehran, 1313s., 44.
48. For this qasida see Bahar va adab-i farsi, ed. Muhammad Gulbun, Tehran, 1351s., 216-20.
49. Nizami, Khusraw u Shirin, ed. Vahid Dastgirdi, Tehran, 1313s., 430. For the etymology of Afaq < ap-aq 'very white ' see Bertel's ' Kak zvali pervuyu zhenu Nizami', in Gordlevsky Sbornik, Moscow, 1953, 64-5.
50. Divan-i Anvari, 652.
49. Nizami, Khusraw u Shirin, ed. Vahid Dastgirdi, Tehran, 1313s., 430. For the etymology of Afaq < ap-aq 'very white ' see Bertel's ' Kak zvali pervuyu zhenu Nizami', in Gordlevsky Sbornik, Moscow, 1953, 64-5.
50. Divan-i Anvari, 652.
51. Divan-i Suzani, 87.
52. ibid., 234.
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